An 1889 Account of the Mountain Meadows Massacre
By Hubert Howe Bancroft in 1889
The year 1857 cast a long shadow over the Utah Territory, a shadow deepened by the tragic events that unfolded in a place called Mountain Meadows. Just days before, Brigham Young, the leader of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, also known as the Mormon Church, and the governor of the territory, had a tense meeting with Captain Stewart Van Vliet. Young, feeling pressured by the approaching U.S. Army, made a chilling statement, "If the government dare to force the issue, I shall not hold the Indians by the wrist any longer…If the issue comes, you may tell the government to stop all emigration across the continent, for the Indians will kill all who attempt it." This ominous warning would soon become intertwined with one of the most horrific events in American history, the Mountain Meadows Massacre.
Two days following this interview, approximately 300 miles south of Salt Lake City, the Mountain Meadows Massacre occurred. The proximity of Young’s threat to the massacre fueled suspicions that the two events were directly linked. However, considering the limitations of communication and transportation in 1857, it would have been logistically impossible to orchestrate such a large-scale attack from Salt Lake City in such a short time.
The Mountain Meadows Massacre remains a deeply sensitive and controversial topic. While accusations have been persistently leveled against the Mormon Church and its leaders, a closer examination reveals a more nuanced picture. It is crucial to understand that the massacre was not sanctioned by the church. Instead, it was the horrific act of a fanatic, a member of the Mormon faith, but one acting entirely outside the knowledge or approval of the church leadership. The Mormon community, both leaders and members, have consistently expressed their abhorrence of the Mountain Meadows Massacre, recognizing the profound damage it inflicted on their reputation and the immense suffering it caused.
The weight of this tragedy fell heavily upon the Mormon people. They endured the anguish of the event itself, the stigma of its occurrence within their territory, and the ammunition it provided to their detractors. The sincere condemnation of the Mountain Meadows Massacre by the Mormon community is a historical truth, evidenced by numerous accounts and testimonies.
The events leading up to the Mountain Meadows Massacre began in the spring of 1857. A wagon train consisting of approximately 136 emigrants, primarily from Arkansas, with a few Missourians among them, embarked on a journey to Southern California. This group, known as the Baker-Fancher Party, comprised about 30 families, many of whom were related, and included individuals of all ages. They were the type of settlers that California was seeking – farmers, hardworking, of good character, and financially sound. They traveled at a relaxed pace, allowing their livestock to graze, and reached Salt Lake City around the end of July, hoping to replenish their supplies.
In the years following the California Gold Rush, the arrival of wagon trains typically resulted in amicable trade between the Mormon settlers and the newcomers. The Mormons would sell their agricultural goods for a fair price. However, by 1857, the atmosphere had drastically changed. The U.S. Army, dispatched to quell perceived Mormon rebellion, was advancing towards Utah. The Baker-Fancher party arrived in the valley at a time when the Mormons were first learning of the army’s approach, coinciding perhaps with their tenth anniversary celebration in Big Cottonwood Canyon. Furthermore, travelers from Missouri and Arkansas were viewed with particular animosity; Missourians were disliked because of past conflicts, and Arkansans due to the murder of a respected Mormon Apostle.
Parley P. Pratt, an apostle of the Mormon Church, was killed in Arkansas. While the accused was acquitted, it was widely believed that he was connected to a woman who had previously been baptized into the Mormon faith in San Francisco and later resided in Salt Lake City. Driven by vengeance, the man pursued Pratt, ultimately killing him.
The prevailing mood in Salt Lake City at the time the Baker-Fancher Party arrived was far from welcoming, so they quickly decided to move on. Despite being advised to take the northern route along the Bear River, the emigrants chose to travel through southern Utah. They passed through several settlements, including Provo, Springville, Payson, and Fillmore, attempting to purchase provisions along the way, but their efforts were largely unsuccessful. By the end of August, they arrived at Corn Creek, located about 15 miles south of Fillmore, where they set up camp for several days. It was near here that the Pah Vant Indians lived on land set aside for them by the Mormons. It was alleged that the emigrants poisoned a spring used by the tribe, and further that the emigrants had put poison on the carcasses of their dead cattle.
This allegation, disputed by some, lacks a clear motive. Why would the Arkansas party deliberately provoke a potentially hostile Native American tribe? Some suggest that those accusing the emigrants of poisoning the Pah Vants were not acting in good faith, and that the story was created or exaggerated to make the emigrants responsible for the massacre that followed. The fact that no members of the Pah Vant tribe were present at the massacre, according to the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, casts further doubt on this claim.
Continuing their journey, the emigrants reached Beaver City and then Parowan. Due to a scarcity of grain that year, they were unable to purchase all the provisions they needed for their livestock, though they managed to acquire enough for their own immediate sustenance. Upon arriving at Cedar City, they bought approximately 50 bushels of wheat, which were ground at a mill owned by John D. Lee, the former commander of the fort at Cedar City, who was now an Indian agent overseeing an Indian farm near Harmony.
The Mountain Meadows Massacre is a dark chapter in the history of the American West, a tragedy fueled by a complex mix of fear, prejudice, and fanaticism. The arrival of the Baker-Fancher Party in Utah coincided with a period of intense tension between the Mormon community and the United States government. Misunderstandings and accusations escalated, creating a climate of suspicion and hostility.
Further allegations surfaced, attributed to Mormon sources and supported by John D. Lee’s confession shortly before his execution. Isaac C. Haight, the president of the stake at Cedar City, accused the emigrants of various offenses, including mistreating women, poisoning water sources along their route, damaging fences and crops, violating city ordinances in Cedar City, and resisting arrest. While these accusations, often cited as justification for the massacre, are largely unfounded and unreliable, the events leading up to the tragedy paint a picture of escalating conflict and animosity. It is possible that the emigrants, desperate to feed their families, resorted to taking supplies they were unable to purchase.
Near Cedar City, the Spanish Trail to Santa Fe diverged from what was then known as Fremont’s route. About 30 miles southwest of Cedar City, and within 15 miles of this route, lie the Mountain Meadows, a geographical feature that marks the divide between the Great Basin and the Colorado River. At the southern end of these meadows, which stretch four to five miles in length and about one mile in width, narrows to a point, is a substantial stream with banks approximately ten feet high. The emigrants encamped near this stream on September 5, situated roughly midway between two ranges of hills, each about 50 feet high and 400 yards apart. Ravines connected to the stream bed flanked their campsite on either side.
The Baker-Fancher Party arrived at Mountain Meadows on a Saturday evening. They rested on Sunday, holding a religious service in a large tent, as they had done throughout their journey. At daybreak on September 7, as the men were starting their campfires, they were attacked. Some say it was Indians, and others that it was white men disguised as Indians. More than 20 people were killed or wounded in the initial attack. The attackers drove off their cattle.
The surviving emigrants scrambled for their wagons, forming a defensive corral by pushing them together. They dug into the earth, sinking the wagons almost to the top of the wheels. In the center of the enclosure, they created a rifle pit large enough to accommodate the entire company, reinforcing their defenses throughout the night. The attackers, numbering between three and four hundred, retreated to the surrounding hills, constructing parapets from which they fired upon anyone who ventured outside the entrenchment.
The emigrants were now under siege. Despite their valiant efforts, their chances of survival dwindled. The Mountain Meadows Massacre had begun.
All exits from the valley were guarded. Their ammunition was dwindling. Many of their number, including a large proportion of women and children, had been wounded. Their thirst grew unbearable. The stream lay only a few yards from the corral, down in the ravine. Only after sunset could they venture out to replenish their water supply, and even then, they faced the constant threat of gunfire from the attackers lurking in the ravines.
The siege lasted four days. On the morning of September 5, a wagon approached from the northern end of the meadow, accompanied by a company of the Nauvoo Legion, a Mormon militia. The company halted a few hundred yards from the entrenchment. One of them, William Bateman, advanced with a flag of truce. In response, a young girl dressed in white appeared in the open space between the wagons. Halfway between the militia and the corral, Bateman was met by an emigrant named Hamilton, who sought assurances of protection for his party. Bateman promised safety in exchange for the surrender of their arms, assuring them they would be escorted safely to Cedar City. After a brief discussion, both men returned to their respective groups.
The events that followed were a betrayal of this truce and a descent into unimaginable brutality. The exact reasons and the specific orders that led to the massacre remain shrouded in controversy. However, accounts and testimonies provide a chilling glimpse into the conspirators’ plan. During the week of the massacre, John D. Lee and several other Mormons were encamped near the emigrants’ camp. It was alleged that Lee induced the local Indians to attack the emigrants with the promise of plunder. Finding the resistance stronger than anticipated, Lee sent for reinforcements from the settlements in southern Utah. Following a plan conceived in Cedar City, a company of militia, including Isaac C. Haight and Major John M. Higbee, joined by Colonel William H. Dame, the bishop of Parowan, arrived at Lee’s camp on the evening before the massacre.
The plan was this: John D. Lee would negotiate terms with the emigrants. Once the emigrants surrendered to the Mormons, Lee would lead the wagons and arms, along with the young children and the sick and wounded, to Hamblin’s ranch on the eastern side of the meadows. The remaining men and women, with the women in front, would follow the wagons in single file. The militia would flank them on both sides, in lines two deep, spaced twenty paces apart. About two hundred yards from the camp, the men would be stopped while the women continued toward a copse of scrub oak about a mile away, where Indians lay in wait. The men would then resume their march, with the militia forming a single file, each man walking beside an emigrant, carrying his musket on his left arm.
As the women approached the ambush site, Higbee, in charge of the detachment, would give the signal by saying, "Do your duty." At that moment, the militia would shoot down the men, the Indians would slaughter the women and children, sparing only the very young. Lee and some of the wagoners would then murder the sick and wounded. Mounted troopers would pursue and kill any who attempted to escape, ensuring that no one survived to tell the tale.
Lee entered the corral to find the emigrants burying two of their party who had died from wounds. Men, women, and children crowded around him, some expressing gratitude for their rescue, others showing distrust and fear. Lee played his role convincingly. He instructed the men to pile their arms in the wagons to avoid provoking the Indians. He placed the women, small children, and some clothing in the wagons. Daniel McFarland, following Major Higbee’s orders, urged them to hurry, claiming the Indians threatened to renew the attack. The emigrants were then led away from the corral, the men walking between the lines of militia, cheering their supposed saviors. Half an hour later, as the women neared the ambush site, the signal was given, and the butchery began. Most of the men were shot down in the first volley. Only three escaped the valley; two were quickly caught and killed, and the third was slain at Muddy Creek, some fifty miles away.
The women and children ran forward, only to be overtaken by the Indians, some of whom were Mormons in disguise. The women fell to their knees, begging for mercy, but their pleas were ignored. Children clutched at their murderers’ garments, pleading for their lives, but their innocent pleas were met with the brutal reality of knives and tomahawks. Skulls were crushed, throats were slashed, and scalps were torn from living heads. Some children were spared a more merciful death. An infant in arms was killed by the same bullet that pierced its father’s heart. None of the women were spared, and only children under the age of seven were allowed to live.
Two of Lee’s wagoners, McMurdy and Knight, were tasked with the "duty" of killing the sick and wounded. Carrying out their orders, they stopped the wagons as soon as they heard the gunfire. McMurdy exclaimed, "O Lord, my God, receive their spirits; it is for thy kingdom that I do this." Then, raising his rifle, he shot a wounded man through the brain.
The Mormons were assisted by Indians, who grasped the helpless men by their hair, raised their heads, and slit their throats. The last victim was a young girl who ran to the wagons, covered in blood, shortly after the disabled men had been murdered. She was shot dead within sixty yards of where Lee was standing. The massacre was complete. After stripping the bodies of all valuables, Lee and his accomplices went to breakfast. They returned after a hearty meal to bury the dead.
It was a horrific sight, even for the perpetrators. The bodies were naked, stripped by the Indians. In one group lay the corpses of six or seven women. In another, those of ten young children, many of them mutilated and most of them scalped. The dead were dragged to a nearby ravine and piled in heaps. A thin layer of earth was scattered over them, but the first rains washed it away, leaving the remains to be devoured by wolves and coyotes, whose teeth marks were later found on the bones.
The remains were not properly buried until nearly two years later. A detachment of troops from Camp Floyd was sent to perform the task. Skulls and bones were scattered across the ravine, dragged there by wild animals. Nearly all the bodies had been gnawed by wolves, making recognition impossible. Skeletons were bleached by the sun and dismembered. Many skulls were crushed or cleft with tomahawks; others were shattered by firearms. Remnants of clothing torn from the backs of women and children still clung to the bushes, and nearby were masses of human hair.
A cone-shaped cairn, about 12 feet high, was built over the mass grave. A rough slab of granite was placed against its northern base, bearing the inscription: "Here 120 men, women, and children were massacred in cold blood, early in September 1857. They were from Arkansas." A Cedar cross, inscribed with the words "Vengeance is mine: I will repay, saith the Lord," surmounted the cairn.
Seventeen children, ranging in age from two months to seven years, survived the massacre. John D. Lee, Daniel Tullis, and others took them to Jacob Hamblin’s house. They were later placed in the care of Mormon families in Cedar, Harmony, and other settlements.
All the children were recovered by the summer of 1858, except for one who was rescued a few months later. The children were thinly clad but otherwise unharmed. The following year, they were transported to Arkansas, using $10,000 appropriated by Congress for their recovery and restoration.
As governor and superintendent of Indian affairs, Brigham Young was responsible for ordering an investigation into the Mountain Meadows Massacre and bringing the perpetrators to justice. His reasons for not doing so were explained in his deposition at the trial of John D. Lee. He stated that the president of the United States had appointed another governor who was on his way to take his place.
The Mormons involved in the Mountain Meadows Massacre swore oaths to protect each other and maintain that the deed was committed by Indians alone. For months, federal authorities believed this to be the case. However, when it became known that some children had been spared, suspicion shifted. It was unheard of for Utah Indians to show such compassion.
It was soon learned that an armed party of Mormons had left Cedar City, returned with spoils, and that the Indians complained of being unfairly treated in the division of the loot. Despite their best efforts, U.S. officials struggled to gather enough evidence to charge anyone. In March 1859, Judge Cradlebaugh convened a session of court at Provo. Only a few individuals had been committed for trial and were being held at Camp Floyd. Some were accused of participating in the Mountain Meadows Massacre, while others faced different charges.
Accompanied by a military guard, as there was no jail within his district, the judge opened court on March 8. He specified several crimes committed in southern Utah, including the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The grand jury refused to indict any of the accused. After two weeks, Cradlebaugh dismissed them, calling them "a useless appendage to a court of justice." He remarked, "If this court cannot bring you to a proper sense of your duty, it can at least turn the savages held in custody loose upon you."
Judge Cradlebaugh’s address was ill-advised. The "higher authority" he spoke of could only refer to the church, or the First Presidency. There was no concrete evidence linking Brigham Young or his colleagues to the Mountain Meadows Massacre.
Apart from hearsay evidence, there was no basis for accusing them. The fact that the massacre occurred the day after martial law was declared and within two days of Brigham Young’s threat, and that Young failed to mention the massacre in his report or in the Deseret News, was circumstantial at best.
The superintendent of Indian affairs remarked in August 1859, "I fear that with certain parties here, there is a greater anxiety to connect Brigham Young and other church dignitaries with every criminal offense than diligent endeavor to punish the actual perpetrators of crime."
The judge’s remarks prompted a protest from the mayor of Provo, who objected to the presence of troops as an infringement on the rights of American citizens. The judge replied that good citizens had nothing to fear from American troops. The citizens of Provo then petitioned Governor Alfred Cumming to order the troops’ removal.
The general refused to comply, supported by the judges. On March 27, Cumming issued a proclamation protesting all troop movements not in accordance with his instructions. A few days later, the detachment was withdrawn.
Despite the grand jury’s defiance, Cradlebaugh continued his efforts to bring the perpetrators of the Mountain Meadows Massacre and other crimes to justice. He issued bench warrants, and the U.S. marshal, aided by a military escort, made several arrests.
Among the other atrocities attributed to the Mormons was the Aiken massacre, which also occurred in 1857. Two brothers named Aiken and four others were arrested in southern Utah as spies. Four of them were escorted to Nephi, where it was arranged that Porter Rockwell and Sylvanus Collett would assassinate them. While camped on the Sevier River, they were attacked at night. Two were killed, and two were wounded. The wounded escaped to Nephi, but were murdered on their way to Willow Springs. Although the perpetrators were known, Collett was not arrested until years later. He was tried and acquitted at Provo in October 1878. Judge Cradlebaugh’s efforts were fruitless. He discharged the prisoners and adjourned his court sine die, entering on his docket: "The whole community presents a united and organized opposition to the proper administration of justice."
This conflict between federal and territorial authorities persisted until 1874. Congress passed the Poland Bill, which regulated the summoning of juries and improved the administration of justice. The first grand jury impaneled under this law was instructed to investigate the Mountain Meadows Massacre. Indictments were found against John D. Lee, William H. Dame, Isaac C. Haight, John M. Higbee, Philip Klingensmith, and others. Warrants were issued for their arrest. Lee and Dame were captured, Lee being found concealed in a hog pen.
The trial was set for July 12, 1875, in Beaver City. The absence of witnesses caused delays. Lee promised to confess and become a state witness. He detailed the events of the tragedy, but did not implicate higher church officials. The district attorney refused to accept the confession, believing it was not made in good faith. The trial began on July 23, but the jury failed to reach a verdict after three days. Lee was remanded for a second trial, held between September 13 and 20, 1876.
The courtroom was packed with spectators, eager to hear evidence implicating church leaders. The district attorney stated that he was trying John D. Lee, not Brigham Young or the Mormon Church.
He claimed that Lee acted against the wishes of church officers. Using a flag of truce, Lee had induced the emigrants to surrender their arms. He had personally shot two women and bludgeoned a third with his rifle. He had cut the throat of a wounded man and stolen the emigrants’ property.
These charges were substantiated. The first evidence included the depositions of Brigham Young and George A. Smith, and a letter from Lee to Young, blaming the Indians. Young claimed he only heard about the massacre later, and that Lee had attributed it to Indians. He stated he had ordered the Indians to be pacified and the emigrants to be allowed to pass unmolested. George A. Smith denied any involvement. He said he had met the emigrants at Corn Creek on August 25 and was near Fort Bridger when he heard of the massacre.
Daniel H. Wells testified that Lee was influential among the Indians. James Haslem stated that on September 7, 1857, he was ordered to deliver a message to Brigham Young. He arrived on Thursday and returned with the answer four hours later. Brigham Young said, "Go with all speed, spare no horse-flesh. The emigrants must not be meddled with if it takes all of Iron County to prevent it. They must go free and unmolested."
Samuel McMurdy testified that he saw Lee shoot one of the women and several of the sick and wounded. Jacob Hamblin stated that Lee told him that two young girls were brought before him by a Utah chief. Lee ordered them to be killed. The chief killed one, and Lee killed the other.
If Haslem’s testimony was true, Brigham Young was an accomplice. If it was false, Brigham Young’s remarks to Van Vliet would have been a reckless betrayal. It is also impossible to reconcile the theory with Brigham Young’s shrewd leadership, as he knew his militia could not withstand the U.S. Army.
Lee was convicted of first-degree murder and sentenced to be shot. The Utah Supreme Court upheld the judgment, and the execution was set for March 23, 1877. William H. Dame, Isaac C. Haight, and others were discharged from custody.
Shortly before his execution, Lee confessed. He attempted to lessen his guilt, blame his accomplices, and claim that Brigham Young and the high council ordered the massacre. He also mentioned other murders allegedly ordered by higher authorities.
John D. Lee’s final words: "I feel composed and as calm as a summer morning. I hope to meet my fate with manly courage. I declare my innocence. I have done nothing designedly wrong in that unfortunate affair with which I have been implicated. I used my utmost endeavors to save them from their sad fate. Were they at my command, I would have given worlds to have averted that evil. Death to me has no terror. It is, but a struggle and all is over. I know I have a reward in heaven, and my conscience does not accuse me."
Ten days later, he was executed at Mountain Meadows. The once-luxuriant meadow was now desolate.
On March 23, 1877, a party of armed men arrived at the site. Among them were the U.S. marshal, the district attorney, a military guard, and private citizens. John Doyle Lee was in their midst. Blankets were placed over the wagon wheels. A rough pine coffin was placed near the cairn, and Lee sat on it. The marshal read the court’s order and asked Lee if he had anything to say.
Lee repeated the statements from his confession and added: "I have but little to say this morning. It seems I must be made a victim; a victim must be had, and I am the victim. I studied to make Brigham Young’s will my pleasure for 30 years. See now what I have come to this day! I have been sacrificed in a cowardly, dastardly manner. I cannot help it; it is my last word; it is so. I do not fear death; I shall never go to a worse place than I am now in. I ask the Lord, my God, to receive my spirit if my labors are done."
A Methodist clergyman offered a prayer.
After shaking hands, Lee removed some of his clothing and handed his hat to the marshal. He was blindfolded, but his hands were left free. He exclaimed, "Let them shoot the balls through my heart. Don’t let them mangle my body."
The command was given. The rifles fired, and Lee fell back lifeless onto his coffin.