Paint Creek & Cabin Creek Strike of West Virginia – Legends of America
The Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike of 1912–13 stands as a stark and brutal chapter in the history of labor struggles in the United States, particularly within the tumultuous landscape of the West Virginia Mine Wars. This conflict, rooted in the coalfields of southern West Virginia, encapsulates the fierce battles fought between exploited miners and powerful mine owners, reflecting the systemic injustices prevalent during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
The Seeds of Discontent: Early Unionization Efforts
As early as the 1890s, coal miners in the region began to recognize the urgent need for collective action. Facing deplorable working conditions, meager wages, and oppressive company control, these laborers sought to organize unions to challenge the established labor system. However, their efforts were met with staunch resistance from mine owners and operators, who were determined to maintain their dominance and suppress any attempts to disrupt their profitable operations.
The Lay of the Land: Paint Creek and Cabin Creek
The epicenter of this labor conflict lay within a geographically defined area, nestled between two significant waterways: Paint Creek and Cabin Creek. This region was home to a thriving coal mining industry, with approximately 96 coal mines operating along the creeks, providing employment to around 7,500 miners. Notably, the 41 mines situated on Paint Creek were unionized, aligning with the broader union presence in the Kanawha River coalfield, with the exception of 55 mines on Cabin Creek. Despite their union affiliation, miners on Paint Creek received a lower rate of compensation, earning 2.5 cents less per ton compared to their counterparts in other unionized areas.
The Breaking Point: Demands for Fair Treatment
In 1912, when the Paint Creek miners sought to negotiate a new contract with the mine operators, their demands were simple yet crucial: fair compensation, the right to economic freedom, and recognition of their union. Specifically, they demanded a pay raise to match the prevailing wage rates in the surrounding areas, the freedom to trade at independent stores rather than being confined to company-owned establishments, and official recognition of the United Mine Workers (UMW) as their legitimate representative. Although the proposed pay increase would have cost operators a mere 15 cents per miner per day, the operators vehemently refused to concede to these demands, setting the stage for an inevitable confrontation.
The Spark Ignites: The Wildcat Strike
On April 18, 1912, tensions reached a boiling point, triggering a spontaneous "wildcat" strike. Without formal union authorization, the disgruntled miners initiated a work stoppage, signaling their collective defiance against the oppressive conditions they faced. This act of rebellion resonated deeply, prompting approximately 7,500 nonunion miners from the neighboring Cabin Creek area to join the strike, amplifying its impact and scope.
The UMW Enters the Fray: A Catalyst for Change
Recognizing the potential to expand its influence in the region, the United Mine Workers (UMW) eagerly embraced the striking miners and pledged its full support. The union dispatched prominent figures such as Mary "Mother" Jones, a legendary labor organizer, and UMW Vice President Frank Hayes to assist the miners in their struggle. Under their guidance and with the UMW’s resources, the strike initially remained peaceful, fostering a sense of solidarity and purpose among the workers. This marked the beginning of what would become known as the West Virginia mine wars, a series of labor conflicts that would shape the state’s history.
Escalation: The Arrival of Baldwin-Felts Detectives
In response to the growing strike, the coal operators resorted to hiring strikebreakers, recruiting workers from the South and New York to undermine the miners’ efforts. Moreover, on May 10, 1912, the mine operators enlisted the services of the notorious Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency, known for its ruthless tactics and anti-union stance. Within a short period, Baldwin-Felts deployed over 300 mine guards, whose presence served to provoke and intimidate the striking miners.
Intimidation Tactics: Fortifications and Armored Trains
The Baldwin-Felts agents employed a range of intimidation tactics to suppress the strike. They constructed fortified structures made of iron and concrete, equipped with machine guns, throughout the Paint Creek-Cabin Creek strike area, creating an atmosphere of fear and oppression. Another infamous tactic was the "Bull Moose Special," an armored train consisting of a locomotive, a passenger car, and an iron-plated baggage car fitted with two machine guns. This train patrolled the area during the fall and winter of 1912, escorting trains carrying nonunion workers into the strike district, further exacerbating tensions and fueling resentment among the miners.
Armed Resistance: Miners Fight Back
In response to the escalating violence and intimidation, Socialist Party activists stepped in to provide the miners with weapons, including machine guns, high-powered rifles, and ammunition. This influx of weaponry transformed the mining district into an armed camp, where both sides were prepared for conflict.
Displacement and Hardship: Evictions and Tent Colonies
As the strike intensified, many miners were evicted from their company-owned homes, forcing them to seek refuge in tent colonies supported by the UMW. The union provided canvas tents of various sizes, with larger tents serving as makeshift cafeterias or storage areas for provisions. However, the mine guards continued to evict mining families, destroying personal property worth thousands of dollars. They also enforced the coal mine operators’ control over the region’s company towns, preventing strikers from using bridges or traveling on trains, further isolating and marginalizing the striking miners.
Escalating Violence: Attacks and Retaliation
As the guards’ presence increased, the miners fought back, leading to a cycle of violence and retaliation. Trains became frequent targets, as miners sought to disrupt the transport of strikebreakers and supplies. Miners would destroy train tracks and fire upon the trains, while mine guards and policemen would retaliate, firing on the miners from the train cars.
Mother Jones Takes Charge: Rallies and Marches
Throughout July, Mother Jones emerged as a central figure in the strike, rallying the workers and galvanizing their resolve. She persuaded another group of miners in Eskdale, West Virginia, to join the strike and organized a secret march of 3,000 armed miners to the steps of the state capitol in Charleston, where they presented a declaration of war to Governor William E. Glasscock. On July 26, miners attacked the town of Mucklow, where the Baldwin-Felts agents were stationed, resulting in the deaths of at least 12 strikers and four guards.
The Core Issue: Union Recognition
As the strike expanded, the central issue became the recognition of the United Mine Workers of America as the bargaining agent for the miners. The strikers sought to end the use of mine guards, blocklisting, and the denial of free speech and assembly rights. The mine operators, however, remained steadfast in their opposition, viewing the UMW as a threat to their control and profits.
Martial Law Declared: State Intervention
On September 1, 1912, approximately 5,000 unionized miners from across the Kanawha River crossed the waterway, threatening to attack the mine guards and destroy company operations. In response, Governor William E. Glasscock proclaimed martial law on September 2, 1912, and deployed 1,200 state troops to the region. While the miners initially welcomed the soldiers, hoping they would restore peace and protect their rights, their perception quickly changed when it became clear that the militia was primarily there to break the strike.
Repression: Confiscation of Arms and Unfair Trials
The state troops confiscated arms and ammunition from both sides, ostensibly to reduce tensions. However, the strikers were forbidden from assembling and were subjected to unfair trials in military court. Meanwhile, the strikers’ families faced hunger, cold, and unsanitary conditions in their temporary tent colony at Holly Grove.
The Bull Moose Special’s Deadly Rampage
On February 7, 1913, miners attacked Mucklow again, resulting in at least one fatality. In retaliation, coal operator Quinn Martin, Kanawha Sheriff Bonner Hill, and several deputies attacked the Holly Grove miners’ settlement with the Bull Moose Special that evening. Under the cover of darkness, they unleashed a barrage of machine gun fire into the tents and homes of the strikers and their families, resulting in the death of striker Francis Francesco Estep, who was killed while trying to protect his pregnant wife.
The Hatfield Contract: A Fragile Peace
On March 4, 1913, Dr. Henry D. Hatfield was sworn in as the new governor and immediately traveled to the area. He released some 30 individuals held under martial law, transferred Mother Jones to Charleston for medical treatment, and proposed a settlement that offered strikers the option to accept his terms or face deportation. The Paint Creek miners accepted the "Hatfield Contract" on May 1, while the Cabin Creek miners continued to resist until the end of July.
Aftermath: A Legacy of Struggle
The Paint Creek-Cabin Creek Strike of 1912-13 was a 13-month-long struggle that resulted in the deaths of 12 strikers and 13 company men. The strike and ensuing violence cost an estimated $100,000,000. The events of the strike led to a scale of martial law in West Virginia unprecedented in U.S. history. Despite the sacrifices made by the miners, the guards and coal operators faced no consequences for their actions. The strike served as a prelude to future labor conflicts in West Virginia, including the Battle of Matewan and Blair Mountain.