The Bannock War

The year was 1869. The vast landscapes of Idaho were undergoing a transformation, marked by the encroachment of settlers and the diminishing resources available to the Native American tribes who had called the land home for generations. In an attempt to manage the escalating tensions, the U.S. government established the Fort Hall Reservation, designated as a sanctuary for approximately 600 Bannock Indians, alongside a considerable number of Shoshone people. This relocation, enforced under military escort, was intended to facilitate the transition of these tribes from their traditional nomadic lifestyle of hunting and gathering to a more sedentary, agricultural existence.

However, the promises made to the Bannock and Shoshone quickly proved hollow. The food supplies promised by the government, meant to sustain them during this difficult transition, were woefully inadequate. This scarcity triggered a desperate situation, forcing many to abandon the confines of the reservation in search of sustenance. Others, while remaining on the reservation, continued their seasonal journeys to the Camas Prairie, a vital source of camas roots, a staple food essential for surviving the harsh winters. These excursions, however, were becoming increasingly perilous as game, particularly the buffalo, dwindled at an alarming rate due to overhunting by settlers and the destruction of their habitats. The survival of the Bannock War people was at stake.

The simmering discontent was further fueled by a series of incidents that escalated tensions between the Native Americans and the encroaching settlers. In August 1877, a drunken Bannock man shot and wounded two teamsters, an act that further stoked the flames of animosity. Just months later, in November, another white settler fell victim to violence at the hands of Native Americans. When soldiers attempted to apprehend the alleged perpetrator, the tribes refused to surrender him, leading to a forceful response from Colonel John Smith. Smith seized 53 Bannock warriors, confiscating their weapons and horses, further exacerbating the already fragile situation. Though the winter months passed without a major outbreak of violence, the underlying tension remained palpable. The stage was set for the Bannock War.

The spring of 1878 brought a new wave of frustration and despair. As the Bannock and Shoshone made their annual pilgrimage to the Great Camas Prairie to harvest the vital camas roots, they were met with a devastating sight. White settlers had begun grazing their livestock on the land, and the trampling hooves of cattle had decimated the camas tubers, leaving little for the Native Americans to gather. This destruction of a crucial food source pushed the tribes to the brink. In a desperate attempt to seek redress, the chiefs traveled peacefully to Boise to meet with the governor, hoping to convey the critical importance of the Camas Prairie to their survival. At this time, many Americans feared that the Bannock War could be a widespread conflict, believing that the Bannock and Shoshone might join forces with the non-treaty Nez Perce in their ongoing war against the United States.

During the meeting with the governor, the chiefs assured him that they had no intention of aligning with the Nez Perce. While the governor expressed relief at this news, he failed to take any meaningful action to address the Camas Prairie situation. His inaction further eroded the trust between the government and the tribes, solidifying the belief that their concerns were being ignored.

Adding to the already volatile mix, on May 30, 1878, a Bannock man shot and killed two white men. This act served as the final catalyst, igniting the Bannock War. While many Native Americans chose to remain on the reservation, clinging to the hope of a peaceful resolution, others, under the leadership of Chief Buffalo Horn, decided that a more drastic course of action was necessary. Convinced that the only way to protect their way of life was to drive out the white settlers, they banded together and launched a large-scale raiding offensive.

Chief Buffalo Horn rallied a warrior force of approximately 200 men. The Northern Paiute warriors joined with the Bannock, augmenting their ranks and bolstering their resolve. Together, they embarked on a series of raids targeting white settlements, primarily in search of food and supplies. These raids, while intended to secure essential resources, further inflamed tensions and solidified the perception of the Native Americans as a hostile threat.

In response to the escalating conflict, the U.S. military launched a vigorous campaign under the command of General Otis Howard. This campaign aimed to suppress the uprising and force the Bannock and Paiute back onto the reservation. By August, General Howard’s forces had captured approximately 1,000 Native Americans, effectively crippling the rebellion. The final blow came on September 5, 1878, at Charles’ Ford, Wyoming. In a decisive engagement, soldiers attacked 20 Bannock lodges, resulting in the deaths of an estimated 140 Bannock men, women, and children. This devastating loss effectively shattered the remaining resistance. In the aftermath of the Charles’ Ford massacre, the remaining Native Americans, demoralized and depleted, surrendered and returned to the reservation, marking the end of the Bannock War.

In the wake of the conflict, an examination of its root causes was undertaken. The territorial governor, reflecting on the events that had transpired, acknowledged the critical importance of the Camas Prairie to the Bannock people. He recognized that the prairie served as their "garden," providing them with an abundant and essential food supply. Furthermore, he admitted that the government had failed to uphold its treaty obligations by not formally designating the prairie as part of the Fort Hall reservation for the Bannock tribe. He concluded by recommending immediate action to rectify this oversight, either by assigning the Camas Prairie to the Fort Hall reservation or by providing the Native Americans with some form of compensation for its loss.

General George Crook, a seasoned military leader with extensive experience in dealing with Native American affairs, offered a more direct assessment of the Bannock War, stating that the primary cause was hunger. He argued that it was unrealistic to expect Native Americans to remain peacefully confined to reservations where they were unable to obtain food and were forced to watch their families starve. Crook pointed out that the government had effectively dispossessed them of their lands and deprived them of their means of survival, leaving them with little choice but to resort to desperate measures. He further elaborated, stating that U.S. Indian policy had devolved into a choice between the "warpath or starvation," and that many Native Americans, driven by basic human instincts, would inevitably choose the former, where death, at the very least, would be accompanied by a sense of honor.

However, not everyone shared Crook’s perspective. The Idaho Statesman, a local newspaper, vehemently disagreed with his assessment. The newspaper’s editor argued that the Bannock War was not driven by hunger but by the Native Americans’ inherent "savage thirst for blood," which had not been adequately restrained by proper discipline and governmental supervision. This contrasting viewpoint reflected the deep-seated prejudices and misunderstandings that often characterized the relationship between white settlers and Native Americans during this tumultuous period in American history.